奥巴马首次发表国情咨文1月27日晚间，在美国首都华盛顿国会山，美国总统奥巴马发表国情咨文讲话。这是奥巴马就任总统以来首次发表国情咨文。以下是国情咨文全文（中文中的副标题为编者所加）：
尊敬的议长女士、副总统拜登、国会成员、各位嘉宾和美国同胞，大家好。
我国宪法要求美国总统需要向国会提供关于国家状况的相关信息。在过去两百二十年里，我国领导人履行了这一职责。他们不仅在经济繁荣和国家安定的时期发表讲话，也在战争期间和经济衰退之时发表国情咨文。
回顾这些历史时刻是非常有吸引力的，并可认为我们国家的进步是不可避免的，美国注定会获得成功。但在当美国股市持续了10年的牛市崩溃、二战期间盟军登陆奥马哈海滩之时，我们是否能够获得胜利还充满质疑。当华尔街股市在黑色星期二崩盘和追求民权的游行者在“血腥星期天”遭到殴打的时候，未来是不确定的。这是考验我们勇气、政府实力的时刻。尽管我们之间存在分歧以及有些犹豫和担心，美国仍然能获得胜利，因为我们是作为一个国以一个人的步伐向前迈进。
我们再次受到挑战，必须再次回答历史的疑问。
奥巴马承认第一年遭政治挫折
一年之前，我在两场战争之中成为美国总统。当时美国正受到经济衰退造成的冲击，金融系统已到崩溃边缘，政府负债累累。所有政治领域的专家发出警告，认为如果我们不采取行动，美国将出现历史上第二大经济衰退。所以我们迅速和积极的作出反应。一年以后，最严重的经济风暴已经过去。
但金融风暴造成的损失仍然存在。十分之一的美国人找不到工作，大批公司破产，房价下跌，小城镇和农村社区损失尤其惨重。对穷苦百姓而言，生活将变得更为艰难。
经济衰退也加重了美国家庭的负担。人们无法攒够退休养老和子女上学所需的资金。
所以我知道人们充满焦虑。这种现象并不是现在才有。这些努力和奋斗正是我竞选美国总统的原因。多年以来，我曾经在埃尔克哈特、盖尔斯堡、印第安纳州和伊利诺伊州等地亲眼见过人们的苦痛。从大家的来信中，我听到了人们的呼声。我感到最痛心的一封信来自儿童，他们发出询问为什么必须搬家和父母何时才能重返就业岗位。
对于这些人而言，变革的到来似乎过于缓慢。一些人感到沮丧，一些人感到愤怒。他们不了解为什么华尔街做出错误举动却获得奖励，而普通民众付出了辛勤汗水却未得到任何回报；他们对美国政府无力解决或者不愿意解决问题而感到不解。他们已经厌倦了党派之争和大喊大叫。他们知道我们无法承受这一切，至少不是现在。
所以我们面临巨大而艰辛的挑战。美国人民的希望是民主党和共和党可以消除党派之争，克服冗繁的政治体制。对于那些投票的选民，虽然他们的背景、故事和信仰各不相同，但是他们面临的困境是一样的。他们拥有相同的渴望：获得一份支付账单的工作；得到获取成功的机会；让他们的子女生活更舒适。
你知道他们还有什么相同的地方吗？那就是在灾难面前拥有很强的适应能力。在度过历史上最困难的时期以后，美国人民依然忙于生产汽车、教育子女、做生意和重返校园。一名女士曾经写信说：“虽然我们感到压力，但是我们充满希望、努力奋斗。
这是由于我们具有一种精神——伟大的道德标准和巨大的力量。我从来没有像今天晚上一样对美国的未来这么充满希望。虽然面临困境，但我们依然强大。我们不会放弃，不会逃避，不允许恐惧和分歧破坏我们的精神。新的十年是美国政府展现美国人民力量的时候。
提议向大型银行收费，弥补政府支出补偿纳税人利益
今天晚上，我希望讨论我们实现这一承诺的方式。
先从经济层面说起。
我们现在最紧急的任务是向银行提供资金支持。这些银行也是造成金融危机的罪魁祸首。向银行提供援助并不容易完成。如果有一件事是民主党、共和党和中间党派意见一致的事情，那就是我们痛恨救助银行。我恨它。你们也恨他。他就像牙根管一样普及。
但是当我竞选美国总统的时候，我曾经发誓不做普通的事情，而要做需要的事情。如果我们容忍金融系统崩溃，那么失业率会是现在的两倍，会有更多的企业破产，更多人失去房屋。
所以我支持上届政府创立的金融援助计划。当我们接手以后，这项计划变得更为透明、更富有责任。因此金融市场现在才变得稳定，我们已经收回大部分援助银行的资金。
为了实现其它领域的复苏，我已经提议向大型银行收费。我知道华尔街一定对这一提议不感兴趣。如果这些公司有钱发放高额奖金，它们必须向纳税人支付最温和的费用。因为正是他们在危难之时帮助了这些企业。
多措施增加就业岗位 增加失业补贴
随着金融系统的逐步稳定，我们也采取措施恢复经济增长，尽可能的增加就业岗位，向失业的美国人提供帮助。
这也是为什么我们能够为1800多万美国失业人员延长或增加了失业津贴，使得通过统一综合预算汇编法案(COBRA)覆盖的美国家庭医疗保险费用下降65%，并通过了25项不同的税收减免政策。
现在让我们重申：我们大举减税。为95%的工薪家庭减税，也减少了小型公司和首次购房者的税款。除此以外，我们还为那些需要照顾孩子的父母、800万支付学费的美国大学生实施减税。
因此，数百万美国人可以拥有更多的资金，购买食品、汽油和其它物品。而这一切又帮助企业雇佣更多的员工。我们没有对任何一个人多征收一分钱。
由于我们采取的措施，大约两百万人不再失业，获得就业岗位。我们希望在今年年底再增加150万个就业岗位。
而使这一切变成现实的方案就是复兴法（Recovery Act）。没错，正是《复兴法案》，也就是人们通常所称的《刺激法案》，左派和右派经济学家都认为是它保住了工作岗位，避免灾难的发生。但是你不必完全相信他们的话。那么和凤凰城的企业主谈谈吧。他们会告诉你这项法案使他们的职工总数提高两倍。你也可以与费城的制造企业人员交谈，他们会说一开始对这项法案还充满质疑，但随后看到工时提高以后打消疑虑。
这样的故事在美国到处都有。在经历两年的经济衰退以后，美国经济正在复苏，退休基金也开始升值，经济领域重新获得投资，企业也开始再次雇佣新员工。
但是我明白在每一个成功的故事里人们遭受的苦难。每天人们都是从极度痛苦中醒来，不知道从哪儿获得以后的收入。他们不断发送简历，但未得到任何回复。这就是我们将就业列为2010年头等大事的原因，也是我要求今晚获得一项新就业提案的原因。
创造就业岗位的真正引擎永远是美国商业。但是美国政府会为企业创造必要的条件，以便于企业扩大就业。
首先，我们应该开始于主要创建新就业岗位的小型企业领域。这里不仅是大多数新就业岗位的来源之地，也是大型企业的发源地。凭借勇气和决心，小型企业经受了经济衰退的考验，准备发展壮大。但是当你和小企业交谈时会发现，华尔街的大银行将大部分资金借给大型企业。而小型企业要想获得资金却非常艰难，即使它们已经开始盈利。
所以今晚，我提议从华尔街金融机构偿还的资金中拿出300亿美元帮助社区银行，给小型企业提供维持运营所需的贷款。我同时提议对小型企业提供新的税收优惠措施。其中一项将覆盖一百万家小型企业。它们征收新员工和提高工资都会享受税收减免政策。接下来，我们可以让现在的美国人修建未来所需的基础设施。从第一条铁路到洲际高速公路，美国一直在建设基础设施，与其它国家展开竞争。没有任何理由只有欧洲、中国拥有全球速度最快的高速铁路，或者能生产清洁能源产品的新工厂。
明天我将前往佛罗里达州的坦帕市。受益于复兴法案的支持，那里正在建设一条全新的高速铁路。美国国内还有许多类似的建设项目，将创造就业岗位，帮助货物运输、信息传递。
我们应该让更多的美国人参与建设清洁能源设施，同时向使家庭更为节能的美国人提供折扣。为了鼓励美国企业留在美国本土，我们对将工作岗位转移到美国以外地区的企业应该取消税收优惠，而将这些优惠提供给为美国人创造就业岗位的公司。
美国众议院已经通过一项就业法案，其中就包括了以上部分条款。作为今年商业领域的头等大事，我认为美国参议院也会通过这项法案。我知道他们会这样做。人们失去工作，正在承受痛苦，需要我们的帮助。我希望就业法案可以尽快提交到我的办公桌上。
但实际上，这些措施无法让所有失业人员重新就业。在过去两年内，一共有700万人丧失工作。让所有美国人实现就业的唯一方法就是为美国的长期经济发展奠定新的基础，最终解决美国家庭在数年以来碰到的问题。
我们无法再次承受所谓的“经济扩张”。在过去十年，就业岗位增长最为缓慢，美国家庭的平均收入下降，而医疗成本和学费达到新高。当时的经济繁荣是建立在房地产泡沫和金融投机的基础上。
从第一天担任美国总统开始，别人就告诉我，解决较大的挑战显得过于野心勃勃，为此付出的努力会受到很大的争议。我还听说我们的政治体制已陷入僵局。我们这届政府应该将问题暂时搁置。
对于这些主张，我有一个简单的疑问：我们应该等多久？美国还要将自己的未来搁置多久？
你瞧，美国政府在过去几十年一直在等待，即使美国存在的问题日益恶化。与此同时，中国却没有等待，实施经济改革。德国、印度也没有等待。这些国家没有原地踏步，也不想成为次要国家。它们更加注重数学和科学领域，改造基础设施，在清洁能源领域投入大量资金，因为它们希望获得这些就业岗位。我无法接受美国成为二等国家。
对惩罚银行机构不感兴趣 坚定金融改革
现在是我们认真对待，解决阻碍经济发展问题的时刻。我们可以先从金融改革开始。我对惩罚银行机构并不感兴趣。一个强大、健康的金融市场可以帮助企业获得贷款，创造就业机会。金融市场会吸收家庭储蓄，然后投资企业，从而提高个人收入。但只有当我们采取措施避免发生第二次金融危机之时，上述一切才能实现。
我们需要确保消费者和中产阶级家庭获得做出财务决定所需的金融信息。我们不能允许金融机构采取冒险行动，从而威胁整体经济发展。
在对金融改革方案进行部分修改以后，美国众议院已经通过这一法案。一些游说团体试图阻止改革方案获得审批，但我们没有让他们得逞。
接下来，我们需要鼓励创新。去年，我们向基础研究领域投入了巨额资金，创造历史。这笔投资将带来全世界价格最为低廉的太阳能电池或者找到杀死癌细胞而不伤害健康细胞的治疗方法。没有任何一个领域比能源行业更适合创新。去年，美国在北卡莱罗纳州对清洁能源进行投资。这将创造1200个就业岗位，生产更为先进的电池。
不过，为了在清洁能源领域创造更多的就业岗位，我们需要提高产量、提高效率和更多刺激措施。这不仅意味着需要建立新一代安全和清洁的核电站；也意味着需要作出艰难的选择，开放近海地区，开发石油和天然气；还意味着对生物燃料和清洁煤技术持续投资。美国国会需要通过一项全面的能源和气候法案，为清洁能源推广提供优惠措施，从而使清洁能源成为一种人们可以承受的能源。
我非常感谢美国众议院去年通过类似法案，而今年我希望这项法案能够得到美国参议院批准。
我很清楚人们对于美国在此严峻的经济环境下是否能够承受这样的变化表示质疑。我也知道一些人对于气候变暖的证据还充满疑惑。但是即使这些证据值得怀疑，鼓励清洁能源发展对于我们的未来也是一项正确的事情。因为清洁能源经济的领导者将成为领导全球经济的国家。美国必须扮演这样的角色。
第三，我需要向外出口更多的产品。
因为我们向其它国家出口的产品越多，美国出现的就业岗位就会越多。所以，我在今天晚上设立一个新的目标：我们将在未来五年使出口量增长一倍，为美国增加 200万个就业岗位。未来实现这一目标。我们推出国家出口倡议（National Export Initiative），帮助农场主和小型企业增加出口量，对出口管制措施进行改革，保护国家安全。
我们必须像竞争对手一样积极开拓新市场，如果其它国家签署贸易协议而我们却坐在场外，美国将丧失创造就业机会的机遇。但要得到这些好处，我们必须执行这些协议，让我们的贸易伙伴遵守游戏规则。这就是我们继续推动多哈贸易协定的原因，也是美国加强与亚洲国家关系的原因。与此同时，美国也在加强与韩国、巴拿马和哥伦比亚等关键合作伙伴的关系。
第四，我们需要投资教育和技能培养。
今年，我们发动一场全国范围内的竞赛，改善了学校教学环境，从而打破了左右两方存在的僵局。这个思路其实很简单：只奖励成功，不鼓励失败。不再为了维持现状而投资，而是为了改革而投资。这些改革包括提高学生成绩、鼓励学生在数学和科学领域取得突破、改善教育失败的学校。在美国，儿童的成功应该更依赖于他们的潜力，而不是他们的出生。
当我们延续中小学教育法案有效期的时候，我们会与国会一起将教育领域的改革扩展到全部50个州。然而，在现有经济状况下，高学历不再确保能够得到一份好工作。所以，我催促参议院效仿众议院批准一项恢复社区大学的法案。这将是许多工薪家庭子女获取工作技能的重要场所。
为了降低大学费用，这项法案将停止无担保的纳税人补贴。取而代之的是向美国家庭提供总额达到10000美元的税收减免政策，同时增加奖学金。我们要告诉另外一百万学生，当他们毕业时，只需要支付学生贷款中10%的资金。全部债务可以在一定期限内免除。因为在美利坚合众国，任何一个人都不应该因为上大学而破产。
顺便说一句，现在是大学院校采取认真态度减少自身成本的时候。因为它们同样有责任帮助解决教育问题。
不过大学费用较高只是中产阶级承受的负担之一。因此，今年我要求副总统拜登指挥一个工作小组，专门针对中产阶级家庭。我们提高了养育儿女税收减免税率，以便于美国人更方面为养老退休进行储蓄。每一个工人都能获得一个退休账户，同时享受幅度更大的税收减免。除此以外，我们还提高了房地产价格。我们在去年推出多项措施，扶持房地产市场，从而允许数百万美国人获得新的贷款，在按揭还贷方面也减少了1500美元的支出。
医改将使美国财政在20年内赤字减1万亿
今年我们将加速再融资进程，从而使房屋拥有者可以承受抵押贷款。为了减轻中产阶级身上的负担，我们还需要进行医疗体系改革。
在经过一个世纪的努力以后，我们正在逐步接近目标，给美国人的生命带来保障。我们采取的方式将保护每一个美国人摆脱保险业采取的最恶劣行径。医改法案会给小型企业和未参加保险的美国人提供机遇，在一个充满竞争的市场选择一份可以承受的医疗保障计划。这一法案需要每一个保险计划都包括预防护理项目。
顺便说一下，我的夫人今年创立了一项全国范围内的活动，希望阻止儿童肥胖人数增多，使儿童更健康。谢谢。她觉得有些害羞。
我们推行的医改方案将保留美国民众的权利，他们可以继续享有现有的医保计划和私人医生。医改方案将减少数百万家庭和企业的费用支出。
然而这是一个复杂的问题，讨论的时间越长，对此提出质疑的人数越多。由于在医改方案上对美国民众解释的不够，外界提出许多批评。我对此负有责任。我也知道这个问题不会消失。今晚我发言结束以后，我知道会有更多的美国人失去医保计划。还有数百万人会在今年失去医疗保险，我们的赤字也会继续增长。但我不会离开这些美国民众，在座的各位也不能袖手旁观。
我希望大家都能再仔细看看我们提出的计划，有很多医生、护士和医疗卫生专家在了解计划后，都认为这比目前的制度有了很大改善。当然，要是两党中有谁还有更好的办法能够降低医保费用、减少赤字、覆盖无保险人群、加强老年医保，都请告诉我。我要对国会说的是，不要回避改革，现在我们已经离得很近了。让我们共同努力，为了美国人民完成这项工作。
不过，即使医疗改革能够减少赤字，也无法帮助我们摆脱巨大的财政缺口。挑战依然存在，还有其他问题难以解决。
我先从关于政府开支问题说起吧。本世纪初，美国预算曾有过超2000亿美元的盈余。到我上任时，年度赤字达到1万亿美元，而且预计未来10年这一数字将达到8万亿。其中，经济衰退造成3万亿美元预算缺口。这就是我来这里之前的情况。若是在正常情况下，我自然要开始减少赤字。但是，我们赶上了经济危机，为了防止经济陷入第二次大萧条，我们的国债又添1万亿美元。
我坚信这么做是正确的。但是，既然全国的家庭都在节衣缩食，艰难度日，那么联邦政府也应该如此。所以，今晚我要提出偿付去年1万亿美元经济救助资金的具体步骤。从2011年起的未来三年中，我们准备冻结政府开支，除了国家安全、医疗保险、医疗补助和社会保障等不受影响外，其他所有政府项目均在限制之列。和所有资金短缺的家庭一样，我们会努力把预算控制在需要范围内，放弃那些不需要的。为了推行这一原则，我愿意使用否决权。
我们将继续逐项审查预算，取消那些我们负担不起和没有作用的项目。我们已经为来年省下了200亿美元。为了帮助工人家庭，我们将延长中产阶级减税计划，但考虑到创纪录的赤字，石油公司、投资基金经理和那些年收入超过25万美元的人不能享受这一政策。我们负担不起。
就算做到这些，我们仍将面临我上任时就存在的巨额财政赤字。更重要的是，医疗保险和补贴以及社会保障的花费将继续飞涨，所以我提出设立一个两党财政委员会。这绝不是要搞假装解决问题的政治噱头，该委员会将在一定时限内提出解决方案。昨天，参议院阻止有关设立该委员会的法案通过。我会签发行政命令来推动这一计划，因为我不能将这一问题再留给下一代人。明天投票时，参议院应恢复“现收现支”法案，该法案是20世纪90年代政府实现创纪录盈余的一个重要原因。
我知道民主党内有人会说，有那么多人还在受苦，我们不能只是强调赤字或者冻结政府支出。我同意，所以冻结政策会晚一年开始，到时经济会有所恢复。但同样需要注意的是，如果我们不采取有意义的步骤来控制债务，这可能损害市场、增加借贷成本、危害经济复苏，而所有这些都可能会对就业增长和家庭收入造成更坏影响。
我知道我们会听到不同的观点，有人会说如果减少对国民的投入，延长包括富人在内的减税计划，取消更多的法规限制，维持医疗制度现状，赤字自然就会减少。问题是，这些不正是此前8年里政府所做的吗。正是这些使我们陷入危机，正是这些导致了巨额赤字，我们不能再重蹈覆辙。
不要再重复过去数十年里充斥华盛顿的那些无聊争斗，是时候做些新的尝试了。让我们加大在国民身上的投入，不要让他们面对如山的债务。让我们履行对投票支持我们的公民的责任。要做到这一点首先必须认识到，我们不仅是在财政方面有赤字，在信任方面同样出现了赤字，人们对于华府的质疑连年增长。为了重塑民众对政府的信心，我们要在宾夕法尼亚大道两端同时有所作为，一方面结束院外游说集团的超大影响力，一方面要政务公开，还民众一个他们本应拥有的政府。
这就是我要来这里所要做的，这就是为什么我们历史上首次在网上公布白宫访客，这就是为什么我们要将游说集团排除在决策者、联邦议会和各委员会之外。
要求两党放下党争 美国无法承受
但我们不能就此止步。现在是时候要求游说集团公布其与政府或国会的所有接触，是时候对游说集团向联邦办公室捐献加以严格限制。上周，最高法院推翻了一项法律，我相信这无异于为包括外国企业在内的特殊利益团体打开了大门，他们将不受限制的在我们选举中大把花钱。我不认为选举应该由美国最强的利益团体甚至是外国势力提供资金，选举应由美国人民决定，因此我要求民主党和共和党通过一项法案，帮助纠正这一错误。
我还要呼吁国会继续“特别拨款”改革的步伐。民主党和共和党议员们，你们已经削减了部分开支，做了一些有益的工作，但要恢复公众的信任还需做得更多。例如，一些国会议员要将部分“特别拨款”计划上网公布，我今晚在这里呼吁国会在每次投票前将“特别拨款”计划在网站上公布，让美国人民看看他们的钱都用到了哪里。
当然，如果我们不改革工作的方式，那么一切都无从谈起。我并不天真，从来没有想过自己当选就能让天下太平，所有分歧不再，进入什么后党派时代。我知道，两党的分歧是根深蒂固的，这些分歧关乎政府在我们生活中的作用，关乎政策的倾向和国家安全，已经延续了超过两百年，这是我们民主的本质。但是，令国民沮丧的是如今在华盛顿，好像每天都是选举日。我们不能每天只想着让对手成为媒体嘲弄的对象，不能永远抱着分出胜负一决高下的心态。任何一方都不应该因为有权反对就拖延或阻挠所有法案的通过。在华盛顿，人们可能会认为和对方唱反调是游戏规则，无论自己的观点是多么虚伪和恶毒。但是，正是这种做法使得两党都无法对民众有所帮助，更糟的是，这还会使民众对政府更加不信任。
我不会放弃改变政坛风气的努力。我知道今年是选举年，上周以来选举热潮已经开始，比以往要早。但是，我们仍然需要治理国家。我要告诉民主党的是，以过往数十年来看，我们还是大多数，人民期望我们来解决问题。如果共和党领导层坚持认为做什么事都要在参议院得到60票，那么国家的责任现在也是你们的。对所有事都说“不”的做法只能算是短期政治，不是领导。我们被推选出来是为了服务人民，而不是满足自己的野心。让美国人民看看，我们是可以一起努力的。这个星期，我将在共和党众议员会议上演讲，我还将同民主、共和两党领袖进行月度会议。我知道你们不能等待。
警告伊朗 重申伊拉克撤军
回顾历史，没有什么比安全问题更能使我们团结一致。不幸的是，911事件后的那种齐心协力氛围已经逐渐消退。我们可以指出这是谁的责任，但我不想旧事重提。我知道，我们都热爱这个国家，都心系国家安全。因此，让我们停止相互揶揄，拒绝在保护国民和坚持价值观之间作出错误选择，摆脱恐惧和分歧，尽一切可能保卫我们的国家，给美国和整个世界营造一个更有希望的未来。
来谈谈我们去年以来的工作。从我上任之时起，我们重新审视了恐怖分子的威胁。我们加大了在国土安全方面的投资，破坏了威胁美国民众生命安全的阴谋。我们正在弥补圣诞炸机案暴露出的漏洞，做好航空安全和情报工作。从太平洋到南亚再到阿拉伯半岛，我们加强了与地区国家的伙伴关系。去年，包括许多高级领导人在内的数百名基地组织及其分支成员被逮捕或击毙，这一数字远远超过2008年。
在阿富汗，我们增加了驻军数量，同时加紧训练阿富汗安全部队，使他们能够在2011年7月接管局势，而我们的部队届时可以开始撤回。我们帮助阿政府治理国家、减少腐败、支持所有阿富汗人的权利。我们得到了盟友和伙伴国家的支持，他们增加了承诺，并且明天还将在伦敦重申我们的共同目标。前路依然艰难，但我坚信能够成功。
在打击基地组织的同时，我们有责任将伊拉克交由该国人民管理。我作为候选人时曾承诺结束这场战争，如今作为总统的我正在这么做。我们的作战部队将在今年8月底前全部撤出伊拉克。我们将支持伊拉克政府举行选举，并继续与伊拉克人民一道促进地区和平与繁荣。这场战争正在结束，我们的部队正在回家。
今晚，所有美国军人，无论男女，无论他们身在伊拉克、阿富汗还是世界其他地方，都应该得到我们的尊重、感谢和全力支持。就像我们有责任为他们提供战场上的一切需求一样，我们同样有责任欢迎和支持他们回国。这就是为什么我们去年大幅增加对退伍军人的投入。
如今，我们在进行两场战争的同时，还面临核武器这个可能是对美国人民最大的威胁。我支持约翰—肯尼迪和罗纳德—里根两位总统关于遏制核武器扩散并实现无核世界的看法。为了在保持威慑的前提下减少核武库存，美国和俄罗斯正在完成关于军备控制条约的谈判。今年4月的核安全首脑峰会上，将有44国的首脑为了一个明确的目标来到华盛顿：在未来4年里加强世界各地核原料的保护以确保其永远不会落入恐怖分子手中。
因核试验与导弹试射朝鲜正遭受严厉制裁
这些外交努力增强了我们应对那些违反国际协议、谋求核武器的国家的能力。这就是为什么现在朝鲜面临更加孤立的局面和更严厉的制裁，这就是为什么国际社会更加团结而伊朗更加孤立。如果伊朗领导人继续无视其义务，那么无疑他们也将面临更为严重的后果。我保证。
我们推动共同安全和人类的繁荣。我们通过G20保持全球经济复苏；我们与世界各地穆斯林社会一道促进科学、教育和创新；我们已经从气候变化问题的旁观者变成了领导者；我们正在帮助发展中国家，继续与艾滋病毒作斗争；我们正在启动一项新举措，从而更为迅速和有效地应对生物恐怖主义或传染性疾病。
正如过去60年来一样，美国将继续采取这些措施。这是因为我们的命运是和其他国家联系在一起的，同样也是因为这样做是正确的。这就是为什么当我们在这里集会时，1万多名美国人正在帮助海地人民恢复和重建，这就是为什么我们和渴望上学的阿富汗女孩站在一起，这就是为什么我们支持伊朗妇女上街游行的权利。美国永远站在自由和人类尊严一边。
废除美军方关于同性恋“不许问，不许说”的政策
无论在国内外，理想都是美国人最伟大的力量源泉。多样性中可见统一，这是宪法给我们的承诺：人人生而平等，无论你是谁，只要你遵守法律就该得到法律的保护，只要你信守普世价值就不会受到区别对待。
我们必须不断重申这一承诺。政府民事权利部门正再次起诉侵犯公民权利和就业歧视，我们加强立法反对仇恨引发的暴力行为。今年，我将与国会共同努力，废除剥夺同性恋者为其所热爱祖国服役权利的法律。这是正确的事。我们将打击违反同工同酬法律的行为，使妇女获得平等收入。我们应该继续修正移民系统，保护边界，推行法律，同时确保每个遵守规则的人都能够为我们国家和经济做贡献。
最后，我们的理想和价值观是构建美国的基础。正是这种价值观让来自世界各个角落的人们组成了这个国家，如今这种价值观依然在主宰着美国民众。每天，美国人都在履行自己对家人和雇主的责任，他们一次又一次向邻里伸出援助之手，一次又一次回馈自己的国家。他们以劳动为荣，心灵充实而富有。支持人们生活的不是共和党价值观的亦不是民主党的价值观，是商业和劳动价值，是美国的价值观。
不幸的是，很多人认为我们一些企业、媒体等机构已经不再彰显这种价值观。这些地方都有很多显赫人物，他们做着重要的工作，促进了国家的繁荣。然而，每当有CEO业绩不佳却给自己大派红包，银行家为一己私利让民众面临风险时，人们就会心生疑虑。每当游说集团操纵一切、政客之间相互拆台揭短，人们就会失去信心。每当电视批评家让严肃的辩论变成愚蠢的争吵，将讨论问题变成了大喊口号，人们就会不再理会。
难怪有那么多的冷嘲热讽，难怪有那么多的失望情绪。
我竞选时曾承诺改变。如今，我知道有许多美国人无法肯定他们是否还相信我们可以改变，或者说我能带来改变。
请记住一点，我从没有说过改变很容易实现，或者说凭我一已之力就能改变一切。在一个拥有3亿人口的国家，民主有时可能意味着混乱和复杂。当你尝试作出重大改变时，总会引发争论和热议。现实就是这样。
要说我们这些公职人员大可小心行事，不去碰难题、踩雷区，可以尽力保持民意支持率，想想如何赢得下一次任期而不是为下一代人做事。但我知道，如果50 年、100年甚至200年前的人们也这么想的话，那么我们今天就不会在这里了。我们今天能够站在这里的唯一原因是历代美国人都不畏艰难，不惧失败，努力维系着国家和子孙后代的梦想。
我们的政府今年在政治上遇到了一些挫折。但是，我每天早上醒来时想的都是，这和全国众多家庭今年遇到的难题相比根本算不得什么。尽管遇到诸多挫折，但美国人骨子里的坚定和乐观精神促使我一直前行、一直战斗。
这种精神让一名艰难经营的小企业主在写给我的信中说，“我们所有人从来没有怀疑过我们会失败”；这种精神让一名妇女表示尽管自己和邻居都深感经济衰退之痛，但“我们很坚强，我们会振作，我们是美国人”；这种精神让一名生活在路易斯安那州的8年岁男孩把零花钱寄给我，并问我是否愿意转交给海地人民；还是这种精神让无数美国人放下一切来到从未到过的地方，从瓦砾下解救素昧平生的人，当一个生命得救后高喊“美国！美国！美国！”
这种精神在过去两个多世纪的时间里维系着这个国家，这种精神长存于每个国人心中。我们度过了艰难的一年，度过了艰难的十年，然而新的一年已经到来，新的十年将展现在我们面前。我们不会放弃，我不会放弃。让我们抓住这个时刻，重新开始，带着梦想前行，让我们的国家变得更强。
谢谢你们，上帝保佑你们，上帝保佑美国。
附：国情咨文英文原文
Following is the transcript of President Obama's State of the Union address, delivered Jan. 27, 2010, as released by the White House:
Madam Speaker, Vice President Biden, members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:
Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President shall give to Congress information about the state of our union. For 220 years, our leaders have fulfilled this duty. They've done so during periods of prosperity and tranquility. And they've done so in the midst of war and depression; at moments of great strife and great struggle.
It's tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our progress was inevitable -– that America was always destined to succeed. But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run, and the Allies first landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt. When the market crashed on Black Tuesday, and civil rights marchers were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain. These were the times that tested the courage of our convictions, and the strength of our union. And despite all our divisions and disagreements, our hesitations and our fears, America prevailed because we chose to move forward as one nation, as one people.
Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer history's call.
One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by a severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse, and a government deeply in debt. Experts from across the political spectrum warned that if we did not act, we might face a second depression. So we acted -– immediately and aggressively. And one year later, the worst of the storm has passed.
But the devastation remains. One in 10 Americans still cannot find work. Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small towns and rural communities have been hit especially hard. And for those who'd already known poverty, life has become that much harder.
This recession has also compounded the burdens that America's families have been dealing with for decades –- the burden of working harder and longer for less; of being unable to save enough to retire or help kids with college.
So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They're not new. These struggles are the reason I ran for President. These struggles are what I've witnessed for years in places like Elkhart, Indiana; Galesburg, Illinois. I hear about them in the letters that I read each night. The toughest to read are those written by children -– asking why they have to move from their home, asking when their mom or dad will be able to go back to work.
For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast enough. Some are frustrated; some are angry. They don't understand why it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded, but hard work on Main Street isn't; or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to solve any of our problems. They're tired of the partisanship and the shouting and the pettiness. They know we can't afford it. Not now.
So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American people hope -– what they deserve -– is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans, to work through our differences; to overcome the numbing weight of our politics. For while the people who sent us here have different backgrounds, different stories, different beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same. The aspirations they hold are shared: a job that pays the bills; a chance to get ahead; most of all, the ability to give their children a better life.
You know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in the face of adversity. After one of the most difficult years in our history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids, starting businesses and going back to school. They're coaching Little League and helping their neighbors. One woman wrote to me and said, "We are strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged."
It's because of this spirit -– this great decency and great strength -– that I have never been more hopeful about America's future than I am tonight. (Applause.) Despite our hardships, our union is strong. We do not give up. We do not quit. We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit. In this new decade, it's time the American people get a government that matches their decency; that embodies their strength. (Applause.)
And tonight, tonight I'd like to talk about how together we can deliver on that promise.
It begins with our economy.
Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same banks that helped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. And if there's one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans, and everybody in between, it's that we all hated the bank bailout. I hated it -- (applause.) I hated it. You hated it. It was about as popular as a root canal. (Laughter.)
But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn't just do what was popular -– I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it is today. More businesses would certainly have closed. More homes would have surely been lost.
So I supported the last administration's efforts to create the financial rescue program. And when we took that program over, we made it more transparent and more accountable. And as a result, the markets are now stabilized, and we've recovered most of the money we spent on the banks. (Applause.) Most but not all.
To recover the rest, I've proposed a fee on the biggest banks. (Applause.) Now, I know Wall Street isn't keen on this idea. But if these firms can afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need. (Applause.)
Now, as we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help Americans who had become unemployed.
That's why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more than 18 million Americans; made health insurance 65 percent cheaper for families who get their coverage through COBRA; and passed 25 different tax cuts.
Now, let me repeat: We cut taxes. We cut taxes for 95 percent of working families. (Applause.) We cut taxes for small businesses. We cut taxes for first-time homebuyers. We cut taxes for parents trying to care for their children. We cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for college. (Applause.)
I thought I'd get some applause on that one. (Laughter and applause.)
As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas and food and other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep more workers. And we haven't raised income taxes by a single dime on a single person. Not a single dime. (Applause.)
Because of the steps we took, there are about two million Americans working right now who would otherwise be unemployed. (Applause.) Two hundred thousand work in construction and clean energy; 300,000 are teachers and other education workers. Tens of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional officers, first responders. (Applause.) And we're on track to add another one and a half million jobs to this total by the end of the year.
The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the jobs, is the Recovery Act. (Applause.) That's right -– the Recovery Act, also known as the stimulus bill. (Applause.) Economists on the left and the right say this bill has helped save jobs and avert disaster. But you don't have to take their word for it. Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce because of the Recovery Act. Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work shifts just because of the business it created. Talk to the single teacher raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last week of school that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn't be laid off after all.
There are stories like this all across America. And after two years of recession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have started to gain back some of their value. Businesses are beginning to invest again, and slowly some are starting to hire again.
But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories, of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where their next paycheck will come from; who send out resumes week after week and hear nothing in response. That is why jobs must be our number-one focus in 2010, and that's why I'm calling for a new jobs bill tonight. (Applause.)
Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be America's businesses. (Applause.) But government can create the conditions necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers.
We should start where most new jobs do –- in small businesses, companies that begin when -- (applause) -- companies that begin when an entrepreneur -- when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream, or a worker decides it's time she became her own boss. Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered the recession and they're ready to grow. But when you talk to small businessowners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania, or Elyria, Ohio, you find out that even though banks on Wall Street are lending again, they're mostly lending to bigger companies. Financing remains difficult for small businessowners across the country, even those that are making a profit.
So tonight, I'm proposing that we take $30 billion of the money Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat. (Applause.) I'm also proposing a new small business tax credit
-– one that will go to over one million small businesses who hire new workers or raise wages. (Applause.) While we're at it, let's also eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business investment, and provide a tax incentive for all large businesses and all small businesses to invest in new plants and equipment. (Applause.)
Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of tomorrow. (Applause.) From the first railroads to the Interstate Highway System, our nation has always been built to compete. There's no reason Europe or China should have the fastest trains, or the new factories that manufacture clean energy products.
Tomorrow, I'll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers will soon break ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act. (Applause.) There are projects like that all across this country that will create jobs and help move our nation's goods, services, and information. (Applause.)
We should put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities -- (applause) -- and give rebates to Americans who make their homes more energy-efficient, which supports clean energy jobs. (Applause.) And to encourage these and other businesses to stay within our borders, it is time to finally slash the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas, and give those tax breaks to companies that create jobs right here in the United States of America. (Applause.)
Now, the House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps. (Applause.) As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the same, and I know they will. (Applause.) They will. (Applause.) People are out of work. They're hurting. They need our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay. (Applause.)
But the truth is, these steps won't make up for the seven million jobs that we've lost over the last two years. The only way to move to full employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth, and finally address the problems that America's families have confronted for years.
We can't afford another so-called economic "expansion" like the one from the last decade –- what some call the "lost decade" -– where jobs grew more slowly than during any prior expansion; where the income of the average American household declined while the cost of health care and tuition reached record highs; where prosperity was built on a housing bubble and financial speculation.
From the day I took office, I've been told that addressing our larger challenges is too ambitious; such an effort would be too contentious. I've been told that our political system is too gridlocked, and that we should just put things on hold for a while.
For those who make these claims, I have one simple question: How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on hold? (Applause.)
You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, even as the problems have grown worse. Meanwhile, China is not waiting to revamp its economy. Germany is not waiting. India is not waiting. These nations -- they're not standing still. These nations aren't playing for second place. They're putting more emphasis on math and science. They're rebuilding their infrastructure. They're making serious investments in clean energy because they want those jobs. Well, I do not accept second place for the United States of America. (Applause.)
As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates may become, it's time to get serious about fixing the problems that are hampering our growth.
Now, one place to start is serious financial reform. Look, I am not interested in punishing banks. I'm interested in protecting our economy. A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for businesses to access credit and create new jobs. It channels the savings of families into investments that raise incomes. But that can only happen if we guard against the same recklessness that nearly brought down our entire economy.
We need to make sure consumers and middle-class families have the information they need to make financial decisions. (Applause.) We can't allow financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, to take risks that threaten the whole economy.
Now, the House has already passed financial reform with many of these changes. (Applause.) And the lobbyists are trying to kill it. But we cannot let them win this fight. (Applause.) And if the bill that ends up on my desk does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back until we get it right. We've got to get it right. (Applause.)
Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we made the largest investment in basic research funding in history -– (applause) -- an investment that could lead to the world's cheapest solar cells or treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched. And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy. You can see the results of last year's investments in clean energy -– in the North Carolina company that will create 1,200 jobs nationwide helping to make advanced batteries; or in the California business that will put a thousand people to work making solar panels.
But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production, more efficiency, more incentives. And that means building a new generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country. (Applause.) It means making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil and gas development. (Applause.) It means continued investment in advanced biofuels and clean coal technologies. (Applause.) And, yes, it means passing a comprehensive energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean energy the profitable kind of energy in America. (Applause.)
I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year. (Applause.) And this year I'm eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate. (Applause.)
I know there have been questions about whether we can afford such changes in a tough economy. I know that there are those who disagree with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change. But here's the thing -- even if you doubt the evidence, providing incentives for energy-efficiency and clean energy are the right thing to do for our future -– because the nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that leads the global economy. And America must be that nation. (Applause.)
Third, we need to export more of our goods. (Applause.) Because the more products we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right here in America. (Applause.) So tonight, we set a new goal: We will double our exports over the next five years, an increase that will support two million jobs in America. (Applause.) To help meet this goal, we're launching a National Export Initiative that will help farmers and small businesses increase their exports, and reform export controls consistent with national security. (Applause.)
We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors are. If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores. (Applause.) But realizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements so our trading partners play by the rules. (Applause.) And that's why we'll continue to shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like South Korea and Panama and Colombia. (Applause.)
Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people. (Applause.)
Now, this year, we've broken through the stalemate between left and right by launching a national competition to improve our schools. And the idea here is simple: Instead of rewarding failure, we only reward success. Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform -- reform that raises student achievement; inspires students to excel in math and science; and turns around failing schools that steal the future of too many young Americans, from rural communities to the inner city. In the 21st century, the best anti-poverty program around is a world-class education. (Applause.) And in this country, the success of our children cannot depend more on where they live than on their potential.
When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will work with Congress to expand these reforms to all 50 states. Still, in this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job. That's why I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will revitalize our community colleges, which are a career pathway to the children of so many working families. (Applause.)
To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted taxpayer subsidies that go to banks for student loans. (Applause.) Instead, let's take that money and give families a $10,000 tax credit for four years of college and increase Pell Grants. (Applause.) And let's tell another one million students that when they graduate, they will be required to pay only 10 percent of their income on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after 20 years –- and forgiven after 10 years if they choose a career in public service, because in the United States of America, no one should go broke because they chose to go to college. (Applause.)
And by the way, it's time for colleges and universities to get serious about cutting their own costs -– (applause) -- because they, too, have a responsibility to help solve this problem.
Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing the middle class. That's why last year I asked Vice President Biden to chair a task force on middle-class families. That's why we're nearly doubling the child care tax credit, and making it easier to save for retirement by giving access to every worker a retirement account and expanding the tax credit for those who start a nest egg. That's why we're working to lift the value of a family's single largest investment –- their home. The steps we took last year to shore up the housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new loans and save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments.
This year, we will step up refinancing so that homeowners can move into more affordable mortgages. (Applause.) And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle-class families that we still need health insurance reform. (Applause.) Yes, we do. (Applause.)
Now, let's clear a few things up. (Laughter.) I didn't choose to tackle this issue to get some legislative victory under my belt. And by now it should be fairly obvious that I didn't take on health care because it was good politics. (Laughter.) I took on health care because of the stories I've heard from Americans with preexisting conditions whose lives depend on getting coverage; patients who've been denied coverage; families –- even those with insurance -– who are just one illness away from financial ruin.
After nearly a century of trying -- Democratic administrations, Republican administrations -- we are closer than ever to bringing more security to the lives of so many Americans. The approach we've taken would protect every American from the worst practices of the insurance industry. It would give small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose an affordable health care plan in a competitive market. It would require every insurance plan to cover preventive care.
And by the way, I want to acknowledge our First Lady, Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a national movement to tackle the epidemic of childhood obesity and make kids healthier. (Applause.) Thank you. She gets embarrassed. (Laughter.)
Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs and premiums for millions of families and businesses. And according to the Congressional Budget Office -– the independent organization that both parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress –- our approach would bring down the deficit by as much as $1 trillion over the next two decades. (Applause.)
Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the more skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not explaining it more clearly to the American people. And I know that with all the lobbying and horse-trading, the process left most Americans wondering, "What's in it for me?"
But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I'm finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance. Millions will lose it this year. Our deficit will grow. Premiums will go up. Patients will be denied the care they need. Small business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether. I will not walk away from these Americans, and neither should the people in this chamber. (Applause.)
So, as temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the plan we've proposed. There's a reason why many doctors, nurses, and health care experts who know our system best consider this approach a vast improvement over the status quo. But if anyone from either party has a better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors, and stop insurance company abuses, let me know. (Applause.) Let me know. Let me know. (Applause.) I'm eager to see it.
Here's what I ask Congress, though: Don't walk away from reform. Not now. Not when we are so close. Let us find a way to come together and finish the job for the American people. (Applause.) Let's get it done. Let's get it done. (Applause.)
Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it's not enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find ourselves. It's a challenge that makes all others that much harder to solve, and one that's been subject to a lot of political posturing. So let me start the discussion of government spending by setting the record straight.
At the beginning of the last decade, the year 2000, America had a budget surplus of over $200 billion. (Applause.) By the time I took office, we had a one-year deficit of over $1 trillion and projected deficits of $8 trillion over the next decade. Most of this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive prescription drug program. On top of that, the effects of the recession put a $3 trillion hole in our budget. All this was before I walked in the door. (Laughter and applause.)
Now -- just stating the facts. Now, if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked nothing more than to start bringing down the deficit. But we took office amid a crisis. And our efforts to prevent a second depression have added another $1 trillion to our national debt. That, too, is a fact.
I'm absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But families across the country are tightening their belts and making tough decisions. The federal government should do the same. (Applause.) So tonight, I'm proposing specific steps to pay for the trillion dollars that it took to rescue the economy last year.
Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending for three years. (Applause.) Spending related to our national security, Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will not be affected. But all other discretionary government programs will. Like any cash-strapped family, we will work within a budget to invest in what we need and sacrifice what we don't. And if I have to enforce this discipline by veto, I will. (Applause.)
We will continue to go through the budget, line by line, page by page, to eliminate programs that we can't afford and don't work. We've already identified $20 billion in savings for next year. To help working families, we'll extend our middle-class tax cuts. But at a time of record deficits, we will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, for investment fund managers, and for those making over $250,000 a year. We just can't afford it. (Applause.)
Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we'll still face the massive deficit we had when I took office. More importantly, the cost of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to skyrocket. That's why I've called for a bipartisan fiscal commission, modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent Conrad. (Applause.) This can't be one of those Washington gimmicks that lets us pretend we solved a problem. The commission will have to provide a specific set of solutions by a certain deadline.
Now, yesterday, the Senate blocked a bill that would have created this commission. So I'll issue an executive order that will allow us to go forward, because I refuse to pass this problem on to another generation of Americans. (Applause.) And when the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-you-go law that was a big reason for why we had record surpluses in the 1990s. (Applause.)
Now, I know that some in my own party will argue that we can't address the deficit or freeze government spending when so many are still hurting. And I agree -- which is why this freeze won't take effect until next year -- (laughter) -- when the economy is stronger. That's how budgeting works. (Laughter and applause.) But understand –- understand if we don't take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing, and jeopardize our recovery -– all of which would have an even worse effect on our job growth and family incomes.
From some on the right, I expect we'll hear a different argument -– that if we just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts including those for the wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations, maintain the status quo on health care, our deficits will go away. The problem is that's what we did for eight years. (Applause.) That's what helped us into this crisis. It's what helped lead to these deficits. We can't do it again.
Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated Washington for decades, it's time to try something new. Let's invest in our people without leaving them a mountain of debt. Let's meet our responsibility to the citizens who sent us here. Let's try common sense. (Laughter.) A novel concept.
To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of dollars right now. We face a deficit of trust -– deep and corrosive doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for years. To close that credibility gap we have to take action on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue -- to end the outsized influence of lobbyists; to do our work openly; to give our people the government they deserve. (Applause.)
That's what I came to Washington to do. That's why -– for the first time in history –- my administration posts on our White House visitors online. That's why we've excluded lobbyists from policymaking jobs, or seats on federal boards and commissions.
But we can't stop there. It's time to require lobbyists to disclose each contact they make on behalf of a client with my administration or with Congress. It's time to put strict limits on the contributions that lobbyists give to candidates for federal office.
With all due deference to separation of powers, last week the Supreme Court reversed a century of law that I believe will open the floodgates for special interests –- including foreign corporations –- to spend without limit in our elections. (Applause.) I don't think American elections should be bankrolled by America's most powerful interests, or worse, by foreign entities. (Applause.) They should be decided by the American people. And I'd urge Democrats and Republicans to pass a bill that helps to correct some of these problems.
I'm also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark reform. Applause.) Democrats and Republicans. (Applause.) Democrats and Republicans. You've trimmed some of this spending, you've embraced some meaningful change. But restoring the public trust demands more. For example, some members of Congress post some earmark requests online. (Applause.) Tonight, I'm calling on Congress to publish all earmark requests on a single Web site before there's a vote, so that the American people can see how their money is being spent. (Applause.)
Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don't also reform how we work with one another. Now, I'm not naïve. I never thought that the mere fact of my election would usher in peace and harmony -- (laughter) -- and some post-partisan era. I knew that both parties have fed divisions that are deeply entrenched. And on some issues, there are simply philosophical differences that will always cause us to part ways. These disagreements, about the role of government in our lives, about our national priorities and our national security, they've been taking place for over 200 years. They're the very essence of our democracy.
But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where every day is Election Day. We can't wage a perpetual campaign where the only goal is to see who can get the most embarrassing headlines about the other side -– a belief that if you lose, I win. Neither party should delay or obstruct every single bill just because they can. The confirmation of -- (applause) -- I'm speaking to both parties now. The confirmation of well-qualified public servants shouldn't be held hostage to the pet projects or grudges of a few individual senators. (Applause.)
Washington may think that saying anything about the other side, no matter how false, no matter how malicious, is just part of the game. But it's precisely such politics that has stopped either party from helping the American people. Worse yet, it's sowing further division among our citizens, further distrust in our government.
So, no, I will not give up on trying to change the tone of our politics. I know it's an election year. And after last week, it's clear that campaign fever has come even earlier than usual. But we still need to govern.
To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the largest majority in decades, and the people expect us to solve problems, not run for the hills. (Applause.) And if the Republican leadership is going to insist that 60 votes in the Senate are required to do any business at all in this town -- a supermajority -- then the responsibility to govern is now yours as well. (Applause.) Just saying no to everything may be good short-term politics, but it's not leadership. We were sent here to serve our citizens, not our ambitions. (Applause.) So let's show the American people that we can do it together. (Applause.)
This week, I'll be addressing a meeting of the House Republicans. I'd like to begin monthly meetings with both Democratic and Republican leadership. I know you can't wait. (Laughter.)
Throughout our history, no issue has united this country more than our security. Sadly, some of the unity we felt after 9/11 has dissipated. We can argue all we want about who's to blame for this, but I'm not interested in re-litigating the past. I know that all of us love this country. All of us are committed to its defense. So let's put aside the schoolyard taunts about who's tough. Let's reject the false choice between protecting our people and upholding our values. Let's leave behind the fear and division, and do what it takes to defend our nation and forge a more hopeful future -- for America and for the world. (Applause.)
That's the work we began last year. Since the day I took office, we've renewed our focus on the terrorists who threaten our nation. We've made substantial investments in our homeland security and disrupted plots that threatened to take American lives. We are filling unacceptable gaps revealed by the failed Christmas attack, with better airline security and swifter action on our intelligence. We've prohibited torture and strengthened partnerships from the Pacific to South Asia to the Arabian Peninsula. And in the last year, hundreds of al Qaeda's fighters and affiliates, including many senior leaders, have been captured or killed -- far more than in 2008.
And in Afghanistan, we're increasing our troops and training Afghan security forces so they can begin to take the lead in July of 2011, and our troops can begin to come home. (Applause.) We will reward good governance, work to reduce corruption, and support the rights of all Afghans -- men and women alike. (Applause.) We're joined by allies and partners who have increased their own commitments, and who will come together tomorrow in London to reaffirm our common purpose. There will be difficult days ahead. But I am absolutely confident we will succeed.
As we take the fight to al Qaeda, we are responsibly leaving Iraq to its people. As a candidate, I promised that I would end this war, and that is what I am doing as President. We will have all of our combat troops out of Iraq by the end of this August. (Applause.) We will support the Iraqi government -- we will support the Iraqi government as they hold elections, and we will continue to partner with the Iraqi people to promote regional peace and prosperity. But make no mistake: This war is ending, and all of our troops are coming home. (Applause.)
Tonight, all of our men and women in uniform -- in Iraq, in Afghanistan, and around the world –- they have to know that we -- that they have our respect, our gratitude, our full support. And just as they must have the resources they need in war, we all have a responsibility to support them when they come home. (Applause.) That's why we made the largest increase in investments for veterans in decades -- last year. (Applause.) That's why we're building a 21st century VA. And that's why Michelle has joined with Jill Biden to forge a national commitment to support military families. (Applause.)
Now, even as we prosecute two wars, we're also confronting perhaps the greatest danger to the American people -– the threat of nuclear weapons. I've embraced the vision of John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan through a strategy that reverses the spread of these weapons and seeks a world without them. To reduce our stockpiles and launchers, while ensuring our deterrent, the United States and Russia are completing negotiations on the farthest-reaching arms control treaty in nearly two decades. (Applause.) And at April's Nuclear Security Summit, we will bring 44 nations together here in Washington, D.C. behind a clear goal: securing all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world in four years, so that they never fall into the hands of terrorists. (Applause.)
Now, these diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our hand in dealing with those nations that insist on violating international agreements in pursuit of nuclear weapons. That's why North Korea now faces increased isolation, and stronger sanctions –- sanctions that are being vigorously enforced. That's why the international community is more united, and the Islamic Republic of Iran is more isolated. And as Iran's leaders continue to ignore their obligations, there should be no doubt: They, too, will face growing consequences. That is a promise. (Applause.)
That's the leadership that we are providing –- engagement that advances the common security and prosperity of all people. We're working through the G20 to sustain a lasting global recovery. We're working with Muslim communities around the world to promote science and education and innovation. We have gone from a bystander to a leader in the fight against climate change. We're helping developing countries to feed themselves, and continuing the fight against HIV/AIDS. And we are launching a new initiative that will give us the capacity to respond faster and more effectively to bioterrorism or an infectious disease -– a plan that will counter threats at home and strengthen public health abroad.
As we have for over 60 years, America takes these actions because our destiny is connected to those beyond our shores. But we also do it because it is right. That's why, as we meet here tonight, over 10,000 Americans are working with many nations to help the people of Haiti recover and rebuild. (Applause.) That's why we stand with the girl who yearns to go to school in Afghanistan; why we support the human rights of the women marching through the streets of Iran; why we advocate for the young man denied a job by corruption in Guinea. For America must always stand on the side of freedom and human dignity. (Applause.) Always. (Applause.)
Abroad, America's greatest source of strength has always been our ideals. The same is true at home. We find unity in our incredible diversity, drawing on the promise enshrined in our Constitution: the notion that we're all created equal; that no matter who you are or what you look like, if you abide by the law you should be protected by it; if you adhere to our common values you should be treated no different than anyone else.
We must continually renew this promise. My administration has a Civil Rights Division that is once again prosecuting civil rights violations and employment discrimination. (Applause.) We finally strengthened our laws to protect against crimes driven by hate. (Applause.) This year, I will work with Congress and our military to finally repeal the law that denies gay Americans the right to serve the country they love because of who they are. (Applause.) It's the right thing to do. (Applause.)
We're going to crack down on violations of equal pay laws -– so that women get equal pay for an equal day's work. (Applause.) And we should continue the work of fixing our broken immigration system -– to secure our borders and enforce our laws, and ensure that everyone who plays by the rules can contribute to our economy and enrich our nation. (Applause.)
In the end, it's our ideals, our values that built America -- values that allowed us to forge a nation made up of immigrants from every corner of the globe; values that drive our citizens still. Every day, Americans meet their responsibilities to their families and their employers. Time and again, they lend a hand to their neighbors and give back to their country. They take pride in their labor, and are generous in spirit. These aren't Republican values or Democratic values that they're living by; business values or labor values. They're American values.
Unfortunately, too many of our citizens have lost faith that our biggest institutions -– our corporations, our media, and, yes, our government –- still reflect these same values. Each of these institutions are full of honorable men and women doing important work that helps our country prosper. But each time a CEO rewards himself for failure, or a banker puts the rest of us at risk for his own selfish gain, people's doubts grow. Each time lobbyists game the system or politicians tear each other down instead of lifting this country up, we lose faith. The more that TV pundits reduce serious debates to silly arguments, big issues into sound bites, our citizens turn away.
No wonder there's so much cynicism out there. No wonder there's so much disappointment.
I campaigned on the promise of change –- change we can believe in, the slogan went. And right now, I know there are many Americans who aren't sure if they still believe we can change –- or that I can deliver it.
But remember this –- I never suggested that change would be easy, or that I could do it alone. Democracy in a nation of 300 million people can be noisy and messy and complicated. And when you try to do big things and make big changes, it stirs passions and controversy. That's just how it is.
Those of us in public office can respond to this reality by playing it safe and avoid telling hard truths and pointing fingers. We can do what's necessary to keep our poll numbers high, and get through the next election instead of doing what's best for the next generation.
But I also know this: If people had made that decision 50 years ago, or 100 years ago, or 200 years ago, we wouldn't be here tonight. The only reason we are here is because generations of Americans were unafraid to do what was hard; to do what was needed even when success was uncertain; to do what it took to keep the dream of this nation alive for their children and their grandchildren.
Our administration has had some political setbacks this year, and some of them were deserved. But I wake up every day knowing that they are nothing compared to the setbacks that families all across this country have faced this year. And what keeps me going -– what keeps me fighting -– is that despite all these setbacks, that spirit of determination and optimism, that fundamental decency that has always been at the core of the American people, that lives on.
It lives on in the struggling small business owner who wrote to me of his company, "None of us," he said, "…are willing to consider, even slightly, that we might fail."
It lives on in the woman who said that even though she and her neighbors have felt the pain of recession, "We are strong. We are resilient. We are American."
It lives on in the 8-year-old boy in Louisiana, who just sent me his allowance and asked if I would give it to the people of Haiti.
And it lives on in all the Americans who've dropped everything to go someplace they've never been and pull people they've never known from the rubble, prompting chants of "U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A!" when another life was saved.
The spirit that has sustained this nation for more than two centuries lives on in you, its people. We have finished a difficult year. We have come through a difficult decade. But a new year has come. A new decade stretches before us. We don't quit. I don't quit. (Applause.) Let's seize this moment -- to start anew, to carry the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more. (Applause.)
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America. (Applause.)
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来源: 综合
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